(The photograph is the pamphlet of the program and the rules of SWP.)
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Program of the Socialist Workers Party

The Socialist Workers Party is part of the international working class movement that aims to emancipate humankind from the rule and exploitation of capital, and all other kinds of oppression. We seek to unite with working people throughout the world—especially with the socialists who represent their most conscious elements.

The ultimate aim of the SWP is the victory of socialism throughout the world, the elimination of all racial and national divisions, and the realization of a truly human society. We recognize, however, that while the workersf struggles have an international content, they are still national in form. Therefore, our immediate goal is the realization of socialism in Japan.

The SWP is the class party of fighting workers who reject the petty bourgeois opportunism and radicalism, and have united voluntarily on the basis of support for our program and the desire to realize its principles. 

The SWP program begins by describing the general nature of capitalism as well as presenting the fundamental characteristics of present-day capitalism. This is followed by a discussion of the nature, direction, and methods of working class struggles. Finally, we consider the significance, nature, and tasks of the SWP.

Part 1: General Characteristics of Capitalism


Under capitalism, labor products are produced not merely for their use-value—their quality of satisfying some human need—but as commodities for exchange. This is because capitalism is based on private property and the division of labor, wherein individuals pursue private interests from the starting point of general competition. Human beings have yet to bring social production under their own conscious control, and instead remain subordinated to the blind movement of the geconomy.h This reveals that we still remain in the stage of the gpre-historyh of humanity.


Capitalism is not a society of simple commodity production, but is rather the highest development of commodity production—i.e. under capitalism products in general are produced as commodities. This fact necessarily means that the direct producers are separated, or gfreed,h from the objective conditions of production, while at the same time being freed from the personal bonds of feudalism. In a capitalistic society, therefore, a tiny minority appropriates the main means of production and distribution, while the vast majority of the population are turned into gpropertylessh wage-workers. Capital itself suggests this sort of social relationship—that is, the means of production become capital when the owners of these production means find gfreeh workers in the gmarket placeh and exploit them with the aim of obtaining surplus value (profit) from commodity production.


Wageworkers have no way to live apart from selling their own labor-power, and are compelled to work for capital to create surplus value. In this way they become enslaved under the rule of capital. This results in increased profits and the rapid accumulation of capital. There may also be an increase in the real wages of workers, but even in this case the workersf position becomes worse in comparison to the enormity of capital to which they are increasingly subordinated.


Under the pressure of general competition, each individual grouping of capital madly pursues accumulation and technical innovation, and in the process larger capital is formed and grows by destroying other capital. As a result, smaller producers are ruined, and the concentration and accumulation of capital proceeds. Ultimately, big capital becomes the leading force in the state and economy.

Therefore, while capitalism rapidly advances the socialization of production and labor, and brings about the amazing development of productive power, it also concentrates this massive productive power in the hands of a few, which is used only in the interests of big capital, thereby intensifying the anarchy of production and setting the stage for serious economic crises. This results in anxiety, unemployment and other misery for wageworkers, and an increase in the conflict and gap between capital and wage-labor. All of these phenomena point to the necessity and inevitability that the high level of productive power developed under capitalism be transferred to social ownership so that humanity as a whole may be able to benefit from it.


The development of capitalism and its contradictions at the same fuels the anger and frustration of the workers, and this manifests itself in the organization of workers in trade unions and political parties, the development of the workersf class struggles and the socialist movement as its conscious expression, thereby ripening the subjective conditions necessary for the victory of socialism. Socialism is not a mere gchoice,h but rather a historical necessity for humanity, and the workersf class struggles are the motive force to achieve this.

Part 2: Present-Day Capitalism: Monopoly Capitalism, State-Monopoly Capitalism, & State Capitalism


From the end of the 19th century to the beginning of the 20th century, capitalism entered the stage of monopoly capitalism, and then—under the impetus of the Great Depression and two world wars—reached the stage of state-monopoly capitalism. The 20th century also saw the development of state capitalist systems, centering on the Soviet Union and China, which opposed the sphere of state-monopoly capitalism.


The stage of monopoly capitalism is characterized by the extreme development of the concentration and accumulation of capital and the fact that a handful of huge monopolists gain control over the entire economy and society. Moreover, this is a system in which organizations of capitalists—cartels, trusts, and syndicates—come to acquire decisive importance, and the contradictions peculiar to capitalism are greatly intensified. This is a stage in which capital appears as combined or joint capital, instead of gindividualh or gprivateh capital, and the functional capitalist replaces the capitalist as owner. At the same time, the rule of monopoly capital spreads throughout the world, and the export of capital becomes more important than the export of commodities, resulting in a small number of rich countries turn other countries into colonies or semi-colonies. This was the age of imperialism on an international scale, related to the struggle for world rule and the creation of blocs of exploitation. This period witnessed a move towards reaction and barbarous conditions throughout the world, bringing catastrophe, disaster, and misfortune to the working masses. But this was also the period of workersf revolutionary and national-liberation struggles against capitalism and imperialism. The two world wars in the first half of the 20th century sparked the overthrow of many monarchies throughout the world, in Russia a gproletarian stateh was born for the first time in history, and in many colonies and semi-colonies gworker and peasanth revolutions were triumphant, beginning with China.


However, in the thirties and forties, monopoly capitalism was transformed into the higher stage of state-monopoly capitalism. The age we are living in is characterized by the great development of huge monopolies, and their combination with the state. The state has come to be mobilized on a huge scale for the sake of the monopoliesf interests; value=price relations have become unclear and volatile under the gmanaged currency system;h inflation and the fluctuations of exchange rates have become common; the financial and economic policies of the state have taken on greater significance; and hypocritical policies such as gwelfareh have become prevalent. At the same time, monopolies have increasingly become involved in leeching off of the state through military-related capital; militarism and imperialism have advanced, and reaction and counter-revolution have appeared in an extremely savage, inhuman form. State monopoly capitalism is the highest developmental stage of capitalism, and there is no intermediary economic system between it and socialism—in this sense it represents the geve of socialism.h


During the age of imperialism, many economically developing countries were driven into an impasse, which made necessary a revolution of workers and peasants (peoplefs revolution), and the development of the national economy in these countries took a different form from that of advanced capitalist countries. Although the Russian Revolution of 1917, and the 1949 Chinese Revolution, left the impression of being proletarian revolutions (particularly the Russian Revolution), overall they were gworkers and peasantsh revolutions, i.e. revolutions of the radical bourgeoisie, and they could not overcome this limitation. Consequently, these countries had to take the path of state capitalism. Compared to the semi-feudal or colonial social systems that they replaced, state capitalism was a hundred or thousands times more progressive, and it made possible the development of the national economy in some enormous countries. However, this was a form of capitalism characterized by the severe oppression and exploitation of millions of workers, an absence of political rights, and a crude, elementary system of political despotism. gStalinismh was the gsuperstructureh of this state capitalist system.

The fundamental characteristic of state capitalism is the existence of capital as state capital. The means of production are nationalized and in form become commonly owned. In fact, however, they exist and functions as capital, and this nature becomes increasingly clear. The so-called gliberalizationh in the Soviet Union, and later in China, was a manifestation of the intrinsic nature of state capitalism as a system of capital that exposed the hidden nature of this system. In addition to revealing that officially recognized gsocialismh was not socialism in any sense, gliberalizationh can be recognized as the starting point for the open struggles the workers of the world (especially workers in the so-called gsocialisth countries) aiming for real socialism.

In the most developed state capitalist countries, gliberalizationh has reached the stage of open gcapitalization.h Still, this does not mean a shift to conditions of gfree competitionhsuch as were dominant in the 19th century—but rather a transformation, more or less, to state-monopoly capitalism. And when this stage is reached, the workersf struggles shift from that of liberal struggles for democracy, to clear class struggles.


The two world wars intensified the unequal development of countries throughout the world, greatly changing the structure of world rule. Following the defeat of some European imperialistic powers and Japan, the United States emerged as the leader of the state-monopoly capitalist powers, and the USSR as the leader of the state capitalist countries. Other countries formed various state alliances with these two superpowers. The world was thus in a ghighh stage of imperialism, split between two opposing camps competing in a military arms race, and threatening the destruction of humanity with nuclear weapons.

The progression of state capitalism towards becoming an openly bourgeois society, however, led to the dissolution of the USSR and eastern European states, and prepared the way for the end of the rule of the Communist Party and Stalinists (i.e. autocratic state capitalist bureaucrats). These states became divided in many cases, and the ideology of nationalism emerged to replace that of state capitalism. The fall of the Soviet Union thus seemed to mark the worldwide victory of gfreeh capitalism centering on the United States, and the reunification of the world as a global capitalist system. However, the development of the European Union, Japanfs economic and political emergence, the appearance of China as a great political and economic power, and the relative economic decline of the United States as the main imperialistic power since the collapse of the USSR, all signify that the world is certainly not stable, nor will it be gunilaterallyh ruled by American imperialism. In reality, this shows us that the world is witnessing profound economic and political crises, and heated struggles between states seeking hegemony, and this marks the beginning of new worldwide struggles and realignments.

In particular, the appearance of China as a new great power has world-historical significance. China appears, on the surface, as a gsocialisth state ruled by the Communist Party, but it is essentially a capitalist (state-capitalist) state, and its bourgeois nature is becoming increasingly apparent. In the near future, the contradiction between the autocratic political system of the Communist Party and the need for capital to move freely will likely erupt, and within this process China will develop as an imperialist state.


Even though some countries are in the midst of capitalistic development (i.e. developing countries), the world remains under the rule of the imperialist system, based on the exploitation of economically backward countries by means of trade and the export of capital. As a result, the most economically backward countries are still stuck in their old political systems (more or less feudalistic or tribal) marked by economic stagnation, and face great difficulties as the gap separating them from economically advanced countries widens. In gdeveloping countriesh industrial production is developing and the working class is growing, and they will participate in the same socialist struggles as workers in the advanced countries. On the other hand, many underdeveloped countries are still at the stage where they are compelled to find the road heading towards socialism by overthrowing the old political and economic relations through the revolutionary struggle of the working people in order to open the way for national economic development. For these underdeveloped countries, the support of the working class in developed countries can be significant, but only after they have crushed the rule of the big monopolies in their own country, and organized themselves as a state.


Monopoly capitalism, state-monopoly capitalism, and state capitalism, all indicate that capitalism has reached a high level of development in terms of productive power and organization, which makes the worldwide shift to socialism a realistic task. This is also a period of crisis in human history in which the contradictions of capitalism are intensifying, and if the working class is not victorious in due time, humanity may revert to barbarity or even face its own self-destruction. Workers thus need to develop their class struggles, overthrow the bourgeoisie, convert the means of production to social ownership, and thus realize socialism. Only socialism makes it possible to emancipate millions of wageworkers—and all of the oppressed classes—and to eliminate all conditions of oppression and exploitation by sublating class divisions and the state, thereby making the leap gfrom the realm of necessity to that of freedomh possible.

Part 3: The Development of Capitalism in Japan & the Tasks of the Working Class


The aim of the working class varies in each particular country depending on economic development. The direct objective of the working class in Japan—where capitalism has reached a high level of development, monopoly capital rules, and bourgeois democracy has been fundamentally established with possibility of open socialist struggles—is, and indeed must be, proletarian socialist revolution.


Starting with the Meiji Restoration in 1868, capitalism in Japan rapidly developed under the protectionist policies of the absolute state. Already by the time of the First World War, monopoly capitalism had been established, centering on the capital of the zaibatsu (financial conglomerates). But the particular gpremodernityh and weaknesses of this system led to increasing difficulties, and this resulted in imperialistic expansion abroad—i.e. the exploitation and the repression of other nations. During this time, the gemperor systemh was used as an ideological tool of Japanese bourgeois militarism and imperialism.


But with the defeat of Japanese imperialism in World War II., the ambitions of Japanese monopoly capital were crushed, and monopoly capital sought to extend its own life by gdemocratizingh the politico-economic system and gmodernizingh capitalistic relations, under the rule and protection of the U.S. occupation forces in order. Helped by the betrayals of the JCP and Socialist Party, they were able to survive the turbulent postwar period, and then rapid economic growth was achieved by making maximum use of the structure and policies of state-monopoly capitalism. This resulted in the realization of the enormous productive power of Japanese capitalism, fully laying the groundwork (material conditions) for socialism.

This capitalistic development—the accumulation of capital and increase in productive power—resulted in the extremely rapid proletarianization of the direct producers (especially small farmers), large-scale exploitation of the working class, and general anarchy of production. Problems also arose such as overproduction, inflation, financial crisis, pollution and the destruction of the living environment, and monopoly capital became more parasitic and degenerated. The living conditions of the working class worsened—not only relatively, but absolutely—and the confrontation between classes intensified.

It can be said, therefore, that the so-called gconservatismh of the Japanese working class is not a permanent state—since it is conditioned objectively by the illusion of the perpetual development and prosperity of Japanese capitalism, monopoly capitalfs cooption of a part of the working class, and the opportunism of the Socialist and Communist Parties.


During the rapid postwar development of capitalism, the original petty bourgeoisie, that is the goldh middle class (especially the farmers), disintegrated and lost much of its social significance. However, even today the petty bourgeoisie remains a large social force. The rotten system of monopoly capitalism preserves this class, and even produces it anew.

Although the petty bourgeoisie resists or even fights against big capital—sometimes quite violently—this is only for the purpose of defending its small ownership and businesses. Their struggle is thus essentially different from the struggle of the working class against capital.

Members of the petty bourgeoisie can become revolutionary only when they abandon their own class standpoint and shift to the position of the working class. Therefore the working class cannot, and should not, support the demands or the position of the petty bourgeoisie, or pursue the formation of a gunited fronth with them.


The Japanese working class, which emerged following the Meiji Restoration, now forms the overwhelming majority of the population, comprising more than two thirds of the gtotal labor force.h Through this process of growth, the main sector of labor has shifted from textiles and mining to heavy-chemical industries, and further to highly simplified and abstracted labor using computer technology, automated machinery, and electronics.

On the other hand, with the organizational and state-monopoly development of capital, combined with the rapid progress of technical innovation, a large new middle class has emerged for the sake of gmanagementh (more or less functionaries of capital), and this new middle class is in opposition to the productive workers (those engaged in material production). However, today the concept of a gnewh middle class is also broadly applied to various strata of unproductive workers that have appeared as a result of the high development of capitalism.

The members of this gnewh middle class have a strong sense of themselves as gprofessionalsh or gtechnicians,h even when they are not directly bearing the functions of capital. Moreover, since they are not engaged in productive labor or directly exploited by capital, they have little class consciousness, and are a conservative or backward layer of workers that form the main base of the bourgeois or petty bourgeois led labor movement. However, the lower strata of this middle class are generally in a position close to that of productive workers. This includes a wide layer of semi-productive workers (e.g. education and healthcare workers). These workers comprise one part of the proletarian socialist movement.

The increase in recent years of unproductive workers or purely parasitic gworkersh in Japan is one clear indication that Japanese capitalism is increasingly losing its progressive aspects and transforming into a sort of gdying capitalism.h

The true interests of productive and semi-productive workers lies in socialism, which will reorganize productive labor in a rational and planned manner, and sweep away, or at least reduce to an absolute minimum, the swollen amount of parasitical unproductive labor under capitalism. .

Socialism is only possible through the conscious class struggles of productive and semi-productive workers, and the Socialist Workers Party is their own, independent class party, which seeks to rally all of the positive elements of this class to carry out a resolute struggle against capital.


The capitalist state of Japan was temporarily occupied by the U.S. Army after the war, but already by the beginning of the 1950s it had regained its gsovereigntyh by means of a gunilateral peace,h and became a completely independent state allied itself with the United States as one member of the group of gliberalh countries—i.e. an organic link in the world system of state-monopoly capitalism. For this reason, the task of the Japanese workers is fundamentally not gnational,h but rather to advance class struggles to overthrow the capitalist state.

The alliance between Japan and the United States, legally expressed in the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, has changed greatly since 1950, but its fundamental content is not a deepening of gJapanese subordination to the United States,h but on the contrary the relative increase in the influence and position of Japanese monopoly capital and its state within this alliance, and the appearance of Japanese monopoly capital as an imperialistic bourgeoisie.

Therefore, the working class in Japan must fight against the militarism and imperialism of the bourgeoisie and reactionaries within Japan—not to mention fighting unconditionally against all imperialism in general. This is the core of proletarian internationalism for workers in Japan.

Part 4: Fundamental Content of Socialism


These days the concept of socialism is so confused that it is extremely important to clarify the fundamental character and content of socialism, which the SWP is aiming for. For this purpose, here we will describe how the contradictions of capitalistic production are resolved in socialist society, and in what form production and distribution will be carried out.


The aim of the SWP is to abolish the private ownership of all of the means of production—factories, machines, means of transport, land, etc—convert these production means to joint social ownership, and realize a planned process of social production to ensure the overall development of society and the welfare of its members.

Joint social ownership of the means of production is not identical to nationalization. For nationalization to take on the meaning of true joint social ownership, it is necessary to abolish the class rule of the bourgeoisie.

Small-scale ownership is also abolished and sublated within socialistic cooperative production. This process is carried out through the free will of the small owner class under support from the political power of workers and heavy industry.

Socialism is the abolition of classes, therefore, the state in its original sense—as a product of the class division of humanity—would also gwither away.h


With the realization of socialistic production, people will work collectively upon nature and refashion it to create wealth (objects of need) for the sake of consumption and the satisfaction of needs. These relations—between people and nature and between themselves—become perfectly transparent and plain. This will bring to an end the sort of gpartial peopleh with narrow perspectives who are chained to one occupation or job throughout their lives for the sake of capitalfs profit. Under socialism, it will become possible for social interests and possibilities to branch out in all directions. As the subordination of people to capital and machines is done away with, it will becomes clear that people can use automation, robots and computers, rather than being used by them.

Under socialism, all adults who are able to work are engaged in labor and each receives compensation according to his or her labor (labor time) after necessary social deductions have been made. In other words, this represents the abolition of all parasitic strata. In so far as under this system gone receives in a different form the same quantity of labor given to societyh this is similar to the principle that underlies commodity exchange. However, the two systems are essentially different, since under socialism each person is not an individual in conflict with society and other individuals, but instead a social individual, and the division between society and the individual is overcome so that each personfs labor is, from the beginning, one part of the social aggregate labor (and thus, needless to say, there is no exploitation).

Under such transparent social relations, the reorganization of labor and the use of the rapidly developing productive power makes possible the immediate shortening of the working day by one half or one third. And, as productive power develops far more abundantly, people come to be gradually freed not only from the compulsory labor determined by class society, but also compulsory labor determined by life, and are able to develop their abilities overall in every direction. In this way, society approaches the higher stage of communism with its principle of gfrom each according to his ability, to each according to his needs.h


With the abolition of classes, every form of discrimination—whether by race, rank, birth, sex, physical or mental handicaps, etc.—will also be abolished, since there would be no longer be any basis to discriminate or set one group of people in opposition to another group. The starting point for overcoming discrimination for the people who have been discriminated against, and everyone else, is to share the tasks of social labor under the same conditions.

In terms of doing away with the exploitation and anxiety of the workers, and providing social protection to those who are partially or completely unable to work, socialism is a true gwelfareh society. From the perspective of socialism, gwelfareh under bourgeois society can only be seen as a pathetic imitation

Part 5: Conditions for the Victory of Socialism, Means & Path of Struggle


The means to realize the goals outlined above—liberating the workers, abolishing classes and exploitation, overcoming all forms of discrimination, and realizing true gwelfarehare not simply propaganda and education, but also the workersf class struggles. However, unlike the New Left in Japan, we do not regard gviolent strugglesh as a goal in itself, and rather attach great importance to propaganda, enlightenment, and organization as central moments in the development of the class struggle.


Wage struggles—movements for improving working conditions and workersf rights—form the starting point and opportunity for the development of the workersf class struggles, and their basis is the exploitation, oppression of workers and the irrational system of capital.

The SWP must rally a wide stratum of workers, be at the forefront of these struggles, foster the class power of the workers, and unite the party with the working masses. At the same time, the SWP needs to make clear that the real solution to the workersf problems lies in the realization of socialism, and attempt to link everyday class struggles to the class struggle for socialism.

Trade unions are the spontaneous class organizations of the workers whose natural role lies in protecting the economic interests of workers against capital, but the organized power of the unions must be made use of to develop the workerf political struggles for emancipation.

While a workersf party constantly strives to develop the trade unions as class organizations, it is opposed to any sectarian or divisive trade union policy that seeks to gcaptureh the unions or compel them to support one political party, and instead seeks the realization of the most extensive proletarian democracy within the trade unions.


The struggle for gdemocracyh is one of the important tasks for the working class, but for a workersf party—unlike petty bourgeois parties—this is not turned into an absolute. We point out that gdemocracyh (under capitalism) is also the state, and merely one form of the rule of capital?its most characteristic form. In other words, bourgeois democracy is not in contradiction with the wide-scale exploitation of the working masses by capital. We emphasize the essential limitations and deceptiveness of bourgeois gdemocracy,h while at the same time recognizing the significance of the fact that this political form allows for the open struggles of the workers for socialism.

The limitations and deceptiveness of bourgeois democracy are symbolized by the fact that it is even incapable of realizing its own slogan of gequality before the lawhthe most notable example being the continued discrimination against women. The demand for the abolition of discrimination is the task of democracy in general, and therefore we confront capital with the demand for the immediate abolition of discrimination. However, to completely, or even partially, achieve this demand requires the realization of socialism. Therefore, we propose the demand for the abolition of discrimination in combination with socialist demands, and unite the struggle for the end of discrimination with the struggle to abolish the class system.

Unlike the abstract demands of the petty bourgeoisie, the workersf gdemocratich demands on the capitalist state are made from the perspective of the development of the class struggle, and must contribute to the development of the political struggle.

For the workers, rather than simply struggling for gdemocracy,h it is more important and essential to make use of gdemocracyhby means of active participation in open propaganda for socialism, organizational struggles, large-scale assemblies, the organization of mass movements, election struggles, etc. Making use of elections is particularly important for the victory of socialism, since this is the gofficially recognizedh platform for political struggle in the gdemocratich state.


The struggle of the working class is not only waged on the political or economic level, but also on the level of ideology, and the SWP carries out a resolute fight against all kinds of mysticism, idealistic philosophy, and religious superstition.

The foundation for mysticism and religion today lies in the fact that the working masses feel powerless against the oppressive force of capitalism, which appears as some sort of gdark power.h The task of a workersf party is to organize the struggle of the working class in order to overcome the workersf feelings of powerlessness. It is precisely through these struggles and the fight for socialism that a wide stratum of the working class will be freed from idealistic delusions.

Therefore the struggle against idealism and religion should be connected to the working class struggle against the rule and exploitation of capital, rather than being raised to the level of being a political duty or a goal in itself.


The workers struggles become true class struggles as the workersf party struggles to seize state power. The SWP clearly and openly states that the self-emancipation of the workers is not possible by the sole means of economic struggles organized through trade unions. Rather, this emancipation requires an independent class party of the working class to develop the political struggle to overthrow the power of capital and establish proletarian power.

The condition necessary for the victory of socialism is the power of the working class—that is the establishment of political power to suppress the resistance by the exploiting class. This workersf power is essentially different from gdemocratich (or gpeoplefs powerh). Such gdemocratich coalition governments are unable to overcome the class divisions of society, and are instead a type of bourgeois government based upon these class foundations that preserves the power of capital, thereby opening the path for reaction and counter-revolution through its opportunistic and contradictory policies. Therefore, rather than defending or supporting such coalition governments, the task of the working class is to overcome them by fighting the class struggle to the end.


As the negation of the class state (i.e. the system of the bureaucracy, police, military, courts, parliament, etc. that make up the ruling structure and apparatus of violence) proletarian power is a ghalf-stateh based upon a system of workersf representative. This gstateh begins to disappear with the end of bourgeois resistance and the organization of socialism. In this transitional state, which is no longer a state in the original sense, the gprinciples of the [Paris] Communeh are strictly implemented—i.e. the election and right of recall for all officials and equal payment for workers. With the end of classes, the state in the political sense also disappears, and since this is also the end of politics there would no longer be any need to speak of gpolitical libertyh or grights.h What would remain would be the system of managing social production and distribution. Thus, the proletarian state sublates itself by means of crushing the interference of the exploiters and realizing socialism.

Part 6: The Class Nature of Other Political Parties & The SWPfs Attitude Towards Them


The Liberal Democratic Party is essentially a party of big monopoly capital—even though it appears to be a gnationalh party. The LDP aims to defend this system of monopoly capital rule. Within the LDP, there are both liberals and reactionaries, but the line between them is not clear, and we should not hold any illusions towards the liberals.

Faced with the expansion and deepening of capitalistic contradictions, the LDP is only able to offer stopgap financial stimulus policies, agricultural protectionism, and military expansion, while shifting all burdens upon the working people. At the same time, the LDP does not lift a finger to reform its own corrupt plutocratic policies. The corruption, incompetence, and reactionary nature of the LDP have already been exposed.

In the nineties criticism towards the LDP government and its corruption increased, and the gone-party ruleh of the LDP collapsed. But the goppositionh coalition between the breakaway faction from LDP and the pseudo-progressive parties (Socialist Party, Komeito, and Minshato, etc.) amounted to no more than one episode, and when this ended the reactionary government centering on the LDP was revived.


Workers should also not have any illusions about so-called gmiddleh parties in whatever form they appear.

The Komeito Party, as a typical petty-bourgeois reactionary political party, embodies the standpoint of the class of small owners, and the party is conservative and retrograde because it criticizes and opposes big capital from this standpoint. Just as small owners are hopelessly dependent upon big capital, the politics of Komeito essentially follow the LDP. This party also has a vital interest in the continuation of capitalist gprosperity,h and it is deeply hostile to the revolutionary ideology and class struggles of the workers. By forming a coalition government with the LDP, the Komeito Party has completely revealed its own wretched bourgeois nature.


In the nineties, the rightwing of the Democratic Socialist Party and Socialist Party grouped together to form one part of the newly created Democratic Party. The Democratic Socialist Party had a basis in the bourgeois-led labor movement, and the rightwing of the Socialist Party to an increasing extent did as well (i.e. they played the role of serving capital in the workplaces as a gsecondary labor management bureau,h and politically were an auxiliary branch of the LDP). After being dropped by the LDP, they combined with other groups that had some sort of democratic or liberal appearance to organize the Democratic Party and make a new start as a political power.

However, the Democratic Party, as is clear from the role its elements have played in the past, is a gsecond bourgeois partyh motivated by the theory of a gtwo-party systemh of the rule of capital. This party, following the path of the Komeito Party, will unavoidably form alliances with the LDP. 


In the middle of the nineties, the Socialist Party formed a collation government with the LDP, in which they were fundamentally used by the LDP, and then thrown away like an old pair of shoes, resulting in the dissolution of the party. The rightwing soon followed the Democratic Party, while the gleftwing,h or citizens-movement wing [shimin-ha] formed the new Social Democratic Party, but the SDP gave up many of the links to the labor unions that the old Socialist Party had, and has instead crystallized as a purely petty bourgeois political party.


Even in the prewar period the JCP had already degenerated into a petty bourgeois democratic tendency, and the party was unable to make use of an imperialistic war to overthrow the capitalist class. The JCP crystallized into a philistine petty bourgeois nationalist and reformist party when the leadership of Miyamoto Kenji was established after roughly ten years of postwar social turmoil. Today the JCP is one of the props of the rule of capital.

This party grew up under the influence of gStalinismhthe influence of the Communist Parties of the USSR and China—and even today this nature remains unchanged despite their self-proclaimed gindependent line.h The JCPfs criticism of the Soviet and Chinese Communist Parties (and states) has been hypocritical and extremely half-baked.

As petty bourgeois nationalists and reformists, as well as a party of gStalinism,h the JCP has its own peculiar brand of sectarianism and reaction, and there is an underlying possibility that at a certain stage this party will side with counter-revolution.

The JCP has spread illusions in the past about a gdemocratic-coalition government,h but now has begun walking the path of unlimited bourgeois degradation and is shifting to a line of open collaboration with the power of capital, evidenced by the partyfs recognition of the Self-Defense Forces [i.e. the Japanese army] (saying that the state has the ginherent right of self-defenseh), its compromises on the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, and the fact that the JCP has gone so far as to show gunderstandingh for the emperor-system and demanded a law for the national anthem and flag.


With the degeneration of the gleftwingh parties, various kinds of gcitizensh movements are emerging, but such movements dissolve class individuals under capitalist society into abstract bourgeois individuals, while professing their own gnon-partyh principles. In this sense, these movements are essentially different from the standpoint of the class struggles of the workers.

However, within the gcitizensh movements, there are some who criticize capitalism and are headed in a class conscious or progressive direction, and the SWP takes a gcase by caseh attitude towards the gcitizensh movement, cooperating in individual struggles with groups approaching a working-class- based or progressive standpoint.


The radical movement of the gNew Lefth had some positive meaning until around the time of the struggle against the 1960 Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, at least in the sense that it gpunishedh the SPJ and JCP for their opportunism. But subsequently the reactionary petty bourgeois nature of this movement was exposed, and the movement degenerated. In addition to this movementfs theoretical confusion (or even shocking lack of thought), its corruption manifested itself in the foolish acts of the Red Army, the violent fighting between leftwing sects [uchi-geba], and meaningless acts of individual (or group) terrorism. Workers can expect little from this so-called New Left movement.


The only conclusion that can be drawn from the above outline of Japanese political parties and tendencies, is that the working class should organize its own party and decisively expand and develop its struggles. Indeed, this is the central link for a quantum leap in the class struggles of the workers in Japan and throughout the world, and the essential moment for the future self-emancipation of the workers.

Part 7: Concrete Demands Realizable with the Victory of Socialism, or in the Course of the Struggle for Socialism

Finally, we will list some of our concrete demands, but these demands are an organic part of the socialist program, and are thus different from the gminimum programh of the Second International (reformist demands) or Trotskyfs gtransitional programh (expedient demands). Our demands are proposed within the struggle aiming for socialism, and these are objectives or demands to be realized along with the development of this struggle and the realization of socialism. Overall, the realization of these gdemandsh depends of the victory of socialism, but they are independent class, social and political tasks, and the SWP raises these demands and fights at the forefront of the struggle to realize them.

  1. The realization of a four-hour workday and the outlawing of nighttime labor. The abolition of discriminatory wages and working conditions. The amelioration of the workplace environment; guaranteed employment and regulations against dismissal, and the abolition of forced retirement.
  2. The end of capitalfs oppression of the workers movement and labor unions. The unconditional guarantee of the right to organize and strike. An end to all oppressive laws and the release of working class political prisoners.
  3. The immediate abolition of all discrimination, starting with discrimination against women, and social denunciation and legal rules against discrimination by government agencies, businesses, or the mass media. Policies and measures to ensure the participation of all people in socially productive activities as the economic basis for the creation of new, more advanced human relations, beginning with the relations between men and women (for example, perfecting a system of day car centers connected to factories and workplaces so that women can participate in production). Granting the right to freely chose onefs nationality to those brought forcibly to Japan from former Japanese colonies, as well as their descendents.
  4. The total abolition of the remnants granking system,h which opposes the general spirit of democracy. The end of the gsymbolich emperor system.
  5. Social protection for those who are unable to work due to illness, etc. Free medical care. Increased control over pharmaceutical and medical supplies, and the public management of medicine. Integration of practicing doctors into public medical facilities
  6. Public daycare for all infants. The end of the system of cramming and discriminatory education, and the implementation of a consistently scientific and technical education for all students. The elimination of all nationalistic education, such as the forced use of the hinomaru (rising sun flag) and kimigayo (national anthem) at schools. The combining of education with productive work. The abolition of private schools. The perfection of equipment for education and research that all workers can use at any time.
  7. The struggle against and regulation of corrupt bourgeois culture and the mass media. The liberation of the system of mass communications for the benefit of the workers. Open use of mass media for workers. The encouragement and creation of a proletarian socialist culture.
  8. Regulation of monopoly capital and the push for its nationalization. Public disclosure of the assets and accounting records of large businesses, and firm punishment for all of their economic crimes.
  9. Reduction or total abolition of expenditure for armaments to maintain the class rule and for the benefit of the parasitic class. Realization of gcheaph government and the reduction of workersf tax burden.
  10. The end of protective policies for small-scale agricultural production in agriculture, and so on. The appropriation of such gsubsidiesh for the development of productive power and large-scale production.
  11. The complete elimination of the damage stemming from anarchistic production and pursuit of profit under bourgeois society--the most characteristic example being pollution--and regulation and punishment of industries that cause such damage.
  12. The nationalization of land. The rational redistribution of factories. The end of the conflict between cities and rural areas. The solution of the housing problem under these new conditions.
  13. Exposure and punishment of governmental crime by high government officials and politicians
  14. Guarantee of the free political struggles of workers. The abolition of all regulations against participation in elections. The right of suffrage for all men and women over eighteen years of age, and the apportionment of seats according to the size of constituency.
  15. The dissolution of institutions of monopoly capital rule such as the armed forces, police, courts, and bureaucratic system. The crushing of all counter-revolutionary schemes and coup dfetat intrigues. Raising the workers sense of caution towards such maneuvers, and the firm self-defense of the organization and movement of the workers.
  16. Public disclosure of all agreements and pacts with foreign countries. The abolition of all military alliances, and the promotion of foreign relations based on the class standpoint and internationalism of the workers.
  17. The creation of a class government based on a representative system of the workers.

Adopted on May 5, 1984 (Partially revised at the Third Congress in November 1986, the Sixth Congress in October 1989, the Tenth Congress in November 1993, and  the Eighteenth Congress in November 2001)