PROGRAM OF THE
(The photograph is the pamphlet of the program and the rules of SWP.)here
Contents
Program of the Socialist Workers Party The Socialist Workers Party is part of the international working class
movement that aims to emancipate humankind from the rule and exploitation
of capital, and all other kinds of oppression. We seek to unite with working
people throughout the world—especially with the socialists who represent
their most conscious elements.
The ultimate aim of the SWP is the victory of socialism throughout the
world, the elimination of all racial and national divisions, and the realization
of a truly human society. We recognize, however, that while the workers ’ struggles have an international content, they are still national in form.
Therefore, our immediate goal is the realization of socialism in Japan.
The SWP is the class party of fighting workers who reject the petty bourgeois
opportunism and radicalism, and have united voluntarily on the basis of
support for our program and the desire to realize its principles.
The SWP program begins by describing the general nature of capitalism as
well as presenting the fundamental characteristics of present-day capitalism.
This is followed by a discussion of the nature, direction, and methods
of working class struggles. Finally, we consider the significance, nature,
and tasks of the SWP.
Part 1: General Characteristics of Capitalism
1
Under capitalism, labor products are produced not merely for their use-value—their
quality of satisfying some human need—but as commodities for exchange.
This is because capitalism is based on private property and the division
of labor, wherein individuals pursue private interests from the starting
point of general competition. Human beings have yet to bring social production
under their own conscious control, and instead remain subordinated to the
blind movement of the “ economy. ” This reveals that we still remain in the stage of the “ pre-history ” of humanity.
2
Capitalism is not a society of simple commodity production, but is rather
the highest development of commodity production—i.e. under capitalism
products in general are produced as commodities. This fact necessarily
means that the direct producers are separated, or “ freed, ” from the objective conditions of production, while at the same time being
freed from the personal bonds of feudalism. In a capitalistic society,
therefore, a tiny minority appropriates the main means of production and
distribution, while the vast majority of the population are turned into
“ propertyless ” wage-workers. Capital itself suggests this sort of social relationship—that
is, the means of production become capital when the owners of these production
means find “ free ” workers in the “ market place ” and exploit them with the aim of obtaining surplus value (profit) from
commodity production.
3
Wageworkers have no way to live apart from selling their own labor-power,
and are compelled to work for capital to create surplus value. In this
way they become enslaved under the rule of capital. This results in increased
profits and the rapid accumulation of capital. There may also be an increase
in the real wages of workers, but even in this case the workers ’ position becomes worse in comparison to the enormity of capital to which
they are increasingly subordinated.
4
Under the pressure of general competition, each individual grouping of
capital madly pursues accumulation and technical innovation, and in the
process larger capital is formed and grows by destroying other capital.
As a result, smaller producers are ruined, and the concentration and accumulation
of capital proceeds. Ultimately, big capital becomes the leading force
in the state and economy.
Therefore, while capitalism rapidly advances the socialization of production
and labor, and brings about the amazing development of productive power,
it also concentrates this massive productive power in the hands of a few,
which is used only in the interests of big capital, thereby intensifying
the anarchy of production and setting the stage for serious economic crises.
This results in anxiety, unemployment and other misery for wageworkers,
and an increase in the conflict and gap between capital and wage-labor.
All of these phenomena point to the necessity and inevitability that the
high level of productive power developed under capitalism be transferred
to social ownership so that humanity as a whole may be able to benefit
from it.
5
The development of capitalism and its contradictions at the same fuels
the anger and frustration of the workers, and this manifests itself in
the organization of workers in trade unions and political parties, the
development of the workers ’ class struggles and the socialist movement as its conscious expression,
thereby ripening the subjective conditions necessary for the victory of
socialism. Socialism is not a mere “ choice, ” but rather a historical necessity for humanity, and the workers ’ class struggles are the motive force to achieve this.
Part 2: Present-Day Capitalism: Monopoly Capitalism, State-Monopoly Capitalism,
& State Capitalism
1
From the end of the 19th century to the beginning of the 20th century,
capitalism entered the stage of monopoly capitalism, and then—under
the impetus of the Great Depression and two world wars—reached the
stage of state-monopoly capitalism. The 20th century also saw the development
of state capitalist systems, centering on the Soviet Union and China, which
opposed the sphere of state-monopoly capitalism.
2
The stage of monopoly capitalism is characterized by the extreme development
of the concentration and accumulation of capital and the fact that a handful
of huge monopolists gain control over the entire economy and society. Moreover,
this is a system in which organizations of capitalists—cartels, trusts,
and syndicates—come to acquire decisive importance, and the contradictions
peculiar to capitalism are greatly intensified. This is a stage in which
capital appears as combined or joint capital, instead of “ individual ” or “ private ” capital, and the functional capitalist replaces the capitalist as owner.
At the same time, the rule of monopoly capital spreads throughout the world,
and the export of capital becomes more important than the export of commodities,
resulting in a small number of rich countries turn other countries into
colonies or semi-colonies. This was the age of imperialism on an international
scale, related to the struggle for world rule and the creation of blocs
of exploitation. This period witnessed a move towards reaction and barbarous
conditions throughout the world, bringing catastrophe, disaster, and misfortune
to the working masses. But this was also the period of workers ’ revolutionary and national-liberation struggles against capitalism and
imperialism. The two world wars in the first half of the 20th century sparked
the overthrow of many monarchies throughout the world, in Russia a “ proletarian state ” was born for the first time in history, and in many colonies and semi-colonies
“ worker and peasant ” revolutions were triumphant, beginning with China.
3
However, in the thirties and forties, monopoly capitalism was transformed
into the higher stage of state-monopoly capitalism. The age we are living
in is characterized by the great development of huge monopolies, and their
combination with the state. The state has come to be mobilized on a huge
scale for the sake of the monopolies ’ interests; value=price relations have become unclear and volatile under
the “ managed currency system; ” inflation and the fluctuations of exchange rates have become common; the
financial and economic policies of the state have taken on greater significance;
and hypocritical policies such as “ welfare ” have become prevalent. At the same time, monopolies have increasingly become
involved in leeching off of the state through military-related capital;
militarism and imperialism have advanced, and reaction and counter-revolution
have appeared in an extremely savage, inhuman form. State monopoly capitalism
is the highest developmental stage of capitalism, and there is no intermediary
economic system between it and socialism—in this sense it represents
the “ eve of socialism. ”
4
During the age of imperialism, many economically developing countries were
driven into an impasse, which made necessary a revolution of workers and
peasants (people ’ s revolution), and the development of the national economy in these countries
took a different form from that of advanced capitalist countries. Although
the Russian Revolution of 1917, and the 1949 Chinese Revolution, left the
impression of being proletarian revolutions (particularly the Russian Revolution),
overall they were “ workers and peasants ” revolutions, i.e. revolutions of the radical bourgeoisie, and they could
not overcome this limitation. Consequently, these countries had to take
the path of state capitalism. Compared to the semi-feudal or colonial social
systems that they replaced, state capitalism was a hundred or thousands
times more progressive, and it made possible the development of the national
economy in some enormous countries. However, this was a form of capitalism
characterized by the severe oppression and exploitation of millions of
workers, an absence of political rights, and a crude, elementary system
of political despotism. “ Stalinism ” was the “ superstructure ” of this state capitalist system.
The fundamental characteristic of state capitalism is the existence of
capital as state capital. The means of production are nationalized and
in form become commonly owned. In fact, however, they exist and functions
as capital, and this nature becomes increasingly clear. The so-called “ liberalization ” in the Soviet Union, and later in China, was a manifestation of the intrinsic
nature of state capitalism as a system of capital that exposed the hidden
nature of this system. In addition to revealing that officially recognized
“ socialism ” was not socialism in any sense, “ liberalization ” can be recognized as the starting point for the open struggles the workers
of the world (especially workers in the so-called “ socialist ” countries) aiming for real socialism.
In the most developed state capitalist countries, “ liberalization ” has reached the stage of open “ capitalization. ” Still, this does not mean a shift to conditions of “ free competition ”— such as were dominant in the 19th century—but rather a transformation,
more or less, to state-monopoly capitalism. And when this stage is reached,
the workers ’ struggles shift from that of liberal struggles for democracy, to clear
class struggles.
5
The two world wars intensified the unequal development of countries throughout
the world, greatly changing the structure of world rule. Following the
defeat of some European imperialistic powers and Japan, the United States
emerged as the leader of the state-monopoly capitalist powers, and the
USSR as the leader of the state capitalist countries. Other countries formed
various state alliances with these two superpowers. The world was thus
in a “ high ” stage of imperialism, split between two opposing camps competing in a military
arms race, and threatening the destruction of humanity with nuclear weapons.
The progression of state capitalism towards becoming an openly bourgeois
society, however, led to the dissolution of the USSR and eastern European
states, and prepared the way for the end of the rule of the Communist Party
and Stalinists (i.e. autocratic state capitalist bureaucrats). These states
became divided in many cases, and the ideology of nationalism emerged to
replace that of state capitalism. The fall of the Soviet Union thus seemed
to mark the worldwide victory of “ free ” capitalism centering on the United States, and the reunification of the
world as a global capitalist system. However, the development of the European
Union, Japan ’ s economic and political emergence, the appearance of China as a great
political and economic power, and the relative economic decline of the
United States as the main imperialistic power since the collapse of the
USSR, all signify that the world is certainly not stable, nor will it be
“ unilaterally ” ruled by American imperialism. In reality, this shows us that the world
is witnessing profound economic and political crises, and heated struggles
between states seeking hegemony, and this marks the beginning of new worldwide
struggles and realignments.
In particular, the appearance of China as a new great power has world-historical
significance. China appears, on the surface, as a “socialist” state ruled
by the Communist Party, but it is essentially a capitalist (state-capitalist)
state, and its bourgeois nature is becoming increasingly apparent. In the
near future, the contradiction between the autocratic political system
of the Communist Party and the need for capital to move freely will likely
erupt, and within this process China will develop as an imperialist state.
6
Even though some countries are in the midst of capitalistic development
(i.e. developing countries), the world remains under the rule of the imperialist
system, based on the exploitation of economically backward countries by
means of trade and the export of capital. As a result, the most economically
backward countries are still stuck in their old political systems (more
or less feudalistic or tribal) marked by economic stagnation, and face
great difficulties as the gap separating them from economically advanced
countries widens. In “ developing countries ” industrial production is developing and the working class is growing, and
they will participate in the same socialist struggles as workers in the
advanced countries. On the other hand, many underdeveloped countries are
still at the stage where they are compelled to find the road heading towards
socialism by overthrowing the old political and economic relations through
the revolutionary struggle of the working people in order to open the way
for national economic development. For these underdeveloped countries,
the support of the working class in developed countries can be significant,
but only after they have crushed the rule of the big monopolies in their
own country, and organized themselves as a state.
7
Monopoly capitalism, state-monopoly capitalism, and state capitalism, all
indicate that capitalism has reached a high level of development in terms
of productive power and organization, which makes the worldwide shift to
socialism a realistic task. This is also a period of crisis in human history
in which the contradictions of capitalism are intensifying, and if the
working class is not victorious in due time, humanity may revert to barbarity
or even face its own self-destruction. Workers thus need to develop their
class struggles, overthrow the bourgeoisie, convert the means of production
to social ownership, and thus realize socialism. Only socialism makes it
possible to emancipate millions of wageworkers—and all of the oppressed
classes—and to eliminate all conditions of oppression and exploitation
by sublating class divisions and the state, thereby making the leap “ from the realm of necessity to that of freedom ” possible.
Part 3: The Development of Capitalism in Japan & the Tasks of the Working
Class
1
The aim of the working class varies in each particular country depending
on economic development. The direct objective of the working class in Japan—where
capitalism has reached a high level of development, monopoly capital rules,
and bourgeois democracy has been fundamentally established with possibility
of open socialist struggles—is, and indeed must be, proletarian socialist
revolution.
2
Starting with the Meiji Restoration in 1868, capitalism in Japan rapidly
developed under the protectionist policies of the absolute state. Already
by the time of the First World War, monopoly capitalism had been established,
centering on the capital of the zaibatsu (financial conglomerates). But the particular “ premodernity ” and weaknesses of this system led to increasing difficulties, and this
resulted in imperialistic expansion abroad—i.e. the exploitation
and the repression of other nations. During this time, the “ emperor system ” was used as an ideological tool of Japanese bourgeois militarism and imperialism.
3
But with the defeat of Japanese imperialism in World War II., the ambitions
of Japanese monopoly capital were crushed, and monopoly capital sought
to extend its own life by “ democratizing ” the politico-economic system and “ modernizing ” capitalistic relations, under the rule and protection of the U.S. occupation
forces in order. Helped by the betrayals of the JCP and Socialist Party,
they were able to survive the turbulent postwar period, and then rapid
economic growth was achieved by making maximum use of the structure and
policies of state-monopoly capitalism. This resulted in the realization
of the enormous productive power of Japanese capitalism, fully laying the
groundwork (material conditions) for socialism.
This capitalistic development—the accumulation of capital and increase
in productive power—resulted in the extremely rapid proletarianization
of the direct producers (especially small farmers), large-scale exploitation
of the working class, and general anarchy of production. Problems also
arose such as overproduction, inflation, financial crisis, pollution and
the destruction of the living environment, and monopoly capital became
more parasitic and degenerated. The living conditions of the working class
worsened—not only relatively, but absolutely—and the confrontation
between classes intensified.
It can be said, therefore, that the so-called “ conservatism ” of the Japanese working class is not a permanent state—since it is
conditioned objectively by the illusion of the perpetual development and
prosperity of Japanese capitalism, monopoly capital ’ s cooption of a part of the working class, and the opportunism of the Socialist
and Communist Parties.
4
During the rapid postwar development of capitalism, the original petty
bourgeoisie, that is the “ old ” middle class (especially the farmers), disintegrated and lost much of its
social significance. However, even today the petty bourgeoisie remains
a large social force. The rotten system of monopoly capitalism preserves
this class, and even produces it anew.
Although the petty bourgeoisie resists or even fights against big capital—sometimes
quite violently—this is only for the purpose of defending its small
ownership and businesses. Their struggle is thus essentially different
from the struggle of the working class against capital.
Members of the petty bourgeoisie can become revolutionary only when
they abandon their own class standpoint and shift to the position of the
working class. Therefore the working class cannot, and should not, support
the demands or the position of the petty bourgeoisie, or pursue the
formation of a “ united front ” with them.
5
The Japanese working class, which emerged following the Meiji Restoration,
now forms the overwhelming majority of the population, comprising more
than two thirds of the “ total labor force. ” Through this process of growth, the main sector of labor has shifted from
textiles and mining to heavy-chemical industries, and further to highly
simplified and abstracted labor using computer technology, automated machinery,
and electronics.
On the other hand, with the organizational and state-monopoly development
of capital, combined with the rapid progress of technical innovation, a
large new middle class has emerged for the sake of “ management ” (more or less functionaries of capital), and this new middle class is in
opposition to the productive workers (those engaged in material production).
However, today the concept of a “ new ” middle class is also broadly applied to various strata of unproductive
workers that have appeared as a result of the high development of capitalism.
The members of this “ new ” middle class have a strong sense of themselves as “ professionals ” or “ technicians, ” even when they are not directly bearing the functions of capital. Moreover,
since they are not engaged in productive labor or directly exploited by
capital, they have little class consciousness, and are a conservative or
backward layer of workers that form the main base of the bourgeois or petty
bourgeois led labor movement. However, the lower strata of this middle
class are generally in a position close to that of productive workers.
This includes a wide layer of semi-productive workers (e.g. education and
healthcare workers). These workers comprise one part of the proletarian
socialist movement.
The increase in recent years of unproductive workers or purely parasitic
“ workers ” in Japan is one clear indication that Japanese capitalism is increasingly
losing its progressive aspects and transforming into a sort of “ dying capitalism. ”
The true interests of productive and semi-productive workers lies in socialism,
which will reorganize productive labor in a rational and planned manner,
and sweep away, or at least reduce to an absolute minimum, the swollen
amount of parasitical unproductive labor under capitalism. .
Socialism is only possible through the conscious class struggles of productive
and semi-productive workers, and the Socialist Workers Party is their own,
independent class party, which seeks to rally all of the positive elements
of this class to carry out a resolute struggle against capital.
6
The capitalist state of Japan was temporarily occupied by the U.S. Army
after the war, but already by the beginning of the 1950s it had regained
its “ sovereignty ” by means of a “unilateral peace, ” and became a completely independent state allied itself with the United
States as one member of the group of “ liberal ” countries—i.e. an organic link in the world system of state-monopoly
capitalism. For this reason, the task of the Japanese workers is fundamentally
not “ national, ” but rather to advance class struggles to overthrow the capitalist state.
The alliance between Japan and the United States, legally expressed in
the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, has changed greatly since 1950, but its
fundamental content is not a deepening of “ Japanese subordination to the United States, ” but on the contrary the relative increase in the influence and position
of Japanese monopoly capital and its state within this alliance, and the
appearance of Japanese monopoly capital as an imperialistic bourgeoisie.
Therefore, the working class in Japan must fight against the militarism
and imperialism of the bourgeoisie and reactionaries within Japan—not
to mention fighting unconditionally against all imperialism in general.
This is the core of proletarian internationalism for workers in Japan.
Part 4: Fundamental Content of Socialism
1
These days the concept of socialism is so confused that it is extremely
important to clarify the fundamental character and content of socialism,
which the SWP is aiming for. For this purpose, here we will describe how
the contradictions of capitalistic production are resolved in socialist
society, and in what form production and distribution will be carried out.
2
The aim of the SWP is to abolish the private ownership of all of the means
of production—factories, machines, means of transport, land, etc—convert
these production means to joint social ownership, and realize a planned
process of social production to ensure the overall development of society
and the welfare of its members.
Joint social ownership of the means of production is not identical to nationalization.
For nationalization to take on the meaning of true joint social ownership,
it is necessary to abolish the class rule of the bourgeoisie.
Small-scale ownership is also abolished and sublated within socialistic
cooperative production. This process is carried out through the free will
of the small owner class under support from the political power of workers
and heavy industry.
Socialism is the abolition of classes, therefore, the state in its original
sense—as a product of the class division of humanity—would
also “ wither away. ”
3
With the realization of socialistic production, people will work collectively
upon nature and refashion it to create wealth (objects of need) for the
sake of consumption and the satisfaction of needs. These relations—between
people and nature and between themselves—become perfectly transparent
and plain. This will bring to an end the sort of “ partial people ” with narrow perspectives who are chained to one occupation or job throughout
their lives for the sake of capital ’ s profit. Under socialism, it will become possible for social interests
and possibilities to branch out in all directions. As the subordination
of people to capital and machines is done away with, it will becomes clear
that people can use automation, robots and computers, rather than being
used by them.
Under socialism, all adults who are able to work are engaged in labor and
each receives compensation according to his or her labor (labor time) after
necessary social deductions have been made. In other words, this represents
the abolition of all parasitic strata. In so far as under this system “ one receives in a different form the same quantity of labor given to society ” this is similar to the principle that underlies commodity exchange. However,
the two systems are essentially different, since under socialism each person
is not an individual in conflict with society and other individuals, but
instead a social individual, and the division between society and the individual
is overcome so that each person ’ s labor is, from the beginning, one part of the social aggregate labor
(and thus, needless to say, there is no exploitation).
Under such transparent social relations, the reorganization of labor and
the use of the rapidly developing productive power makes possible the immediate
shortening of the working day by one half or one third. And, as productive
power develops far more abundantly, people come to be gradually freed not
only from the compulsory labor determined by class society, but also compulsory
labor determined by life, and are able to develop their abilities overall
in every direction. In this way, society approaches the higher stage of
communism with its principle of “ from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs. ”
4
With the abolition of classes, every form of discrimination—whether
by race, rank, birth, sex, physical or mental handicaps, etc.—will
also be abolished, since there would be no longer be any basis to discriminate
or set one group of people in opposition to another group. The starting
point for overcoming discrimination for the people who have been discriminated
against, and everyone else, is to share the tasks of social labor under
the same conditions.
In terms of doing away with the exploitation and anxiety of the workers,
and providing social protection to those who are partially or completely
unable to work, socialism is a true “ welfare ” society. From the perspective of socialism, “ welfare ” under bourgeois society can only be seen as a pathetic imitation
Part 5: Conditions for the Victory of Socialism, Means & Path of Struggle
1
The means to realize the goals outlined above—liberating the workers,
abolishing classes and exploitation, overcoming all forms of discrimination,
and realizing true “ welfare ”— are not simply propaganda and education, but also the workers ’ class struggles. However, unlike the New Left in Japan, we do not regard
“ violent struggles ” as a goal in itself, and rather attach great importance to propaganda,
enlightenment, and organization as central moments in the development of
the class struggle.
2
Wage struggles—movements for improving working conditions and workers ’ rights—form the starting point and opportunity for the development
of the workers ’ class struggles, and their basis is the exploitation, oppression of workers
and the irrational system of capital.
The SWP must rally a wide stratum of workers, be at the forefront of these
struggles, foster the class power of the workers, and unite the party with
the working masses. At the same time, the SWP needs to make clear that
the real solution to the workers ’ problems lies in the realization of socialism, and attempt to link everyday
class struggles to the class struggle for socialism.
Trade unions are the spontaneous class organizations of the workers whose
natural role lies in protecting the economic interests of workers against
capital, but the organized power of the unions must be made use of to develop
the worker ’ political struggles for emancipation.
While a workers ’ party constantly strives to develop the trade unions as class organizations,
it is opposed to any sectarian or divisive trade union policy that seeks
to “ capture ” the unions or compel them to support one political party, and instead seeks
the realization of the most extensive proletarian democracy within the
trade unions.
3
The struggle for “ democracy ” is one of the important tasks for the working class, but for a workers ’ party—unlike petty bourgeois parties—this is not turned into
an absolute. We point out that “ democracy ” (under capitalism) is also the state, and merely one form of the rule of
capital?its most characteristic form. In other words, bourgeois democracy
is not in contradiction with the wide-scale exploitation of the working
masses by capital. We emphasize the essential limitations and deceptiveness
of bourgeois “ democracy, ” while at the same time recognizing the significance of the fact that this
political form allows for the open struggles of the workers for socialism.
The limitations and deceptiveness of bourgeois democracy are symbolized
by the fact that it is even incapable of realizing its own slogan of “ equality before the law ”— the most notable example being the continued discrimination against women.
The demand for the abolition of discrimination is the task of democracy
in general, and therefore we confront capital with the demand for the immediate
abolition of discrimination. However, to completely, or even partially,
achieve this demand requires the realization of socialism. Therefore, we
propose the demand for the abolition of discrimination in combination with
socialist demands, and unite the struggle for the end of discrimination
with the struggle to abolish the class system.
Unlike the abstract demands of the petty bourgeoisie, the workers ’ “ democratic ” demands on the capitalist state are made from the perspective of the development
of the class struggle, and must contribute to the development of the political
struggle.
For the workers, rather than simply struggling for “ democracy, ” it is more important and essential to make use of “ democracy ”— by means of active participation in open propaganda for socialism, organizational
struggles, large-scale assemblies, the organization of mass movements,
election struggles, etc. Making use of elections is particularly important
for the victory of socialism, since this is the “ officially recognized ” platform for political struggle in the “ democratic ” state.
4
The struggle of the working class is not only waged on the political or
economic level, but also on the level of ideology, and the SWP carries
out a resolute fight against all kinds of mysticism, idealistic philosophy,
and religious superstition.
The foundation for mysticism and religion today lies in the fact that the
working masses feel powerless against the oppressive force of capitalism,
which appears as some sort of “ dark power. ” The task of a workers ’ party is to organize the struggle of the working class in order to overcome
the workers ’ feelings of powerlessness. It is precisely through these struggles and
the fight for socialism that a wide stratum of the working class will be
freed from idealistic delusions.
Therefore the struggle against idealism and religion should be connected
to the working class struggle against the rule and exploitation of capital,
rather than being raised to the level of being a political duty or a goal
in itself.
5
The workers struggles become true class struggles as the workers ’ party struggles to seize state power. The SWP clearly and openly states
that the self-emancipation of the workers is not possible by the sole means
of economic struggles organized through trade unions. Rather, this emancipation
requires an independent class party of the working class to develop the
political struggle to overthrow the power of capital and establish proletarian
power.
The condition necessary for the victory of socialism is the power of the
working class—that is the establishment of political power to suppress
the resistance by the exploiting class. This workers ’ power is essentially different from “ democratic ” (or “ people ’ s power ” ). Such “ democratic ” coalition governments are unable to overcome the class divisions of society,
and are instead a type of bourgeois government based upon these class foundations
that preserves the power of capital, thereby opening the path for reaction
and counter-revolution through its opportunistic and contradictory policies.
Therefore, rather than defending or supporting such coalition governments,
the task of the working class is to overcome them by fighting the class
struggle to the end.
6
As the negation of the class state (i.e. the system of the bureaucracy, police, military,
courts, parliament, etc. that make up the ruling structure and apparatus
of violence) proletarian power is a “ half-state ” based upon a system of workers ’ representative. This “ state ” begins to disappear with the end of bourgeois resistance and the organization
of socialism. In this transitional state, which is no longer a state in
the original sense, the “ principles of the [Paris] Commune ” are strictly implemented—i.e. the election and right of recall for
all officials and equal payment for workers. With the end of classes, the
state in the political sense also disappears, and since this is also the
end of politics there would no longer be any need to speak of “ political liberty ” or “ rights. ” What would remain would be the system of managing social production and
distribution. Thus, the proletarian state sublates itself by means of crushing
the interference of the exploiters and realizing socialism.
Part 6: The Class Nature of Other Political Parties & The SWP ’ s Attitude Towards Them
1
The Liberal Democratic Party is essentially a party of big monopoly capital—even
though it appears to be a “ national ” party. The LDP aims to defend this system of monopoly capital rule. Within
the LDP, there are both liberals and reactionaries, but the line between
them is not clear, and we should not hold any illusions towards the liberals.
Faced with the expansion and deepening of capitalistic contradictions,
the LDP is only able to offer stopgap financial stimulus policies, agricultural
protectionism, and military expansion, while shifting all burdens upon
the working people. At the same time, the LDP does not lift a finger to
reform its own corrupt plutocratic policies. The corruption, incompetence,
and reactionary nature of the LDP have already been exposed.
In the nineties criticism towards the LDP government and its corruption
increased, and the “one-party rule” of the LDP collapsed. But the “opposition”
coalition between the breakaway faction from LDP and the pseudo-progressive
parties (Socialist Party, Komeito, and Minshato, etc.) amounted to no more
than one episode, and when this ended the reactionary government centering
on the LDP was revived.
2
Workers should also not have any illusions about so-called “ middle ” parties in whatever form they appear.
The Komeito Party, as a typical petty-bourgeois reactionary political party,
embodies the standpoint of the class of small owners, and the party is
conservative and retrograde because it criticizes and opposes big capital
from this standpoint. Just as small owners are hopelessly dependent upon
big capital, the politics of Komeito essentially follow the LDP. This party
also has a vital interest in the continuation of capitalist “prosperity,”
and it is deeply hostile to the revolutionary ideology and class struggles
of the workers. By forming a coalition government with the LDP, the Komeito
Party has completely revealed its own wretched bourgeois nature.
3
In the nineties, the rightwing of the Democratic Socialist Party and Socialist
Party grouped together to form one part of the newly created Democratic
Party. The Democratic Socialist Party had a basis in the bourgeois-led
labor movement, and the rightwing of the Socialist Party to an increasing
extent did as well (i.e. they played the role of serving capital in the
workplaces as a “secondary labor management bureau,” and politically
were an auxiliary branch of the LDP). After being dropped by the LDP, they
combined with other groups that had some sort of democratic or liberal
appearance to organize the Democratic Party and make a new start as a political
power.
However, the Democratic Party, as is clear from the role its elements have
played in the past, is a “second bourgeois party” motivated by the theory
of a “two-party system” of the rule of capital. This party, following
the path of the Komeito Party, will unavoidably form alliances with the
LDP.
4
In the middle of the nineties, the Socialist Party formed a collation government
with the LDP, in which they were fundamentally used by the LDP, and then
thrown away like an old pair of shoes, resulting in the dissolution of
the party. The rightwing soon followed the Democratic Party, while the
“leftwing,” or citizens-movement wing [shimin-ha] formed the new Social
Democratic Party, but the SDP gave up many of the links to the labor unions
that the old Socialist Party had, and has instead crystallized as a purely
petty bourgeois political party.
5
Even in the prewar period the JCP had already degenerated into a petty
bourgeois democratic tendency, and the party was unable to make use of
an imperialistic war to overthrow the capitalist class. The JCP crystallized
into a philistine petty bourgeois nationalist and reformist party when
the leadership of Miyamoto Kenji was established after roughly ten years
of postwar social turmoil. Today the JCP is one of the props of the rule
of capital.
This party grew up under the influence of “ Stalinism ”— the influence of the Communist Parties of the USSR and China—and
even today this nature remains unchanged despite their self-proclaimed
“ independent line. ” The JCP ’ s criticism of the Soviet and Chinese Communist Parties (and states) has
been hypocritical and extremely half-baked.
As petty bourgeois nationalists and reformists, as well as a party
of “ Stalinism, ” the JCP has its own peculiar brand of sectarianism and reaction, and there
is an underlying possibility that at a certain stage this party will side
with counter-revolution .
The JCP has spread illusions in the past about a “democratic-coalition
government,” but now has begun walking the path of unlimited bourgeois
degradation and is shifting to a line of open collaboration with the power
of capital, evidenced by the party’s recognition of the Self-Defense Forces
[i.e. the Japanese army] (saying that the state has the “inherent right
of self-defense”), its compromises on the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty,
and the fact that the JCP has gone so far as to show “understanding”
for the emperor-system and demanded a law for the national anthem and flag.
6
With the degeneration of the “leftwing” parties, various kinds of “ citizens ” movements are emerging, but such movements dissolve class individuals under
capitalist society into abstract bourgeois individuals, while professing
their own “ non-party ” principles. In this sense, these movements are essentially different from
the standpoint of the class struggles of the workers.
However, within the “ citizens ” movements, there are some who criticize capitalism and are headed in a
class conscious or progressive direction, and the SWP takes a “ case by case ” attitude towards the “ citizens ” movement, cooperating in individual struggles with groups approaching a
working-class- based or progressive standpoint.
7
The radical movement of the “ New Left ” had some positive meaning until around the time of the struggle against
the 1960 Japan-U.S. Security Treaty, at least in the sense that it “ punished ” the SPJ and JCP for their opportunism. But subsequently the reactionary
petty bourgeois nature of this movement was exposed, and the movement degenerated.
In addition to this movement ’ s theoretical confusion (or even shocking lack of thought), its corruption
manifested itself in the foolish acts of the Red Army, the violent fighting
between leftwing sects [uchi-geba ], and meaningless acts of individual (or group) terrorism. Workers can
expect little from this so-called New Left movement.
8
The only conclusion that can be drawn from the above outline of Japanese
political parties and tendencies, is that the working class should organize
its own party and decisively expand and develop its struggles. Indeed,
this is the central link for a quantum leap in the class struggles of the
workers in Japan and throughout the world, and the essential moment for
the future self-emancipation of the workers.
Part 7: Concrete Demands Realizable with the Victory of Socialism, or in
the Course of the Struggle for Socialism
Finally, we will list some of our concrete demands, but these demands are
an organic part of the socialist program, and are thus different from the
“ minimum program ” of the Second International (reformist demands) or Trotsky ’ s “ transitional program ” (expedient demands). Our demands are proposed within the struggle aiming
for socialism, and these are objectives or demands to be realized along
with the development of this struggle and the realization of socialism.
Overall, the realization of these “ demands ” depends of the victory of socialism, but they are independent class, social
and political tasks, and the SWP raises these demands and fights at the
forefront of the struggle to realize them.
The realization of a four-hour workday and the outlawing of nighttime labor.
The abolition of discriminatory wages and working conditions. The amelioration
of the workplace environment; guaranteed employment and regulations against
dismissal, and the abolition of forced retirement. The end of capital ’ s oppression of the workers movement and labor unions. The unconditional
guarantee of the right to organize and strike. An end to all oppressive
laws and the release of working class political prisoners. The immediate abolition of all discrimination, starting with discrimination
against women, and social denunciation and legal rules against discrimination
by government agencies, businesses, or the mass media. Policies and measures
to ensure the participation of all people in socially productive activities
as the economic basis for the creation of new, more advanced human relations,
beginning with the relations between men and women (for example, perfecting
a system of day car centers connected to factories and workplaces so that
women can participate in production). Granting the right to freely chose
one ’ s nationality to those brought forcibly to Japan from former Japanese colonies,
as well as their descendents. The total abolition of the remnants “ ranking system, ” which opposes the general spirit of democracy. The end of the “ symbolic ” emperor system. Social protection for those who are unable to work due to illness, etc.
Free medical care. Increased control over pharmaceutical and medical supplies,
and the public management of medicine. Integration of practicing doctors
into public medical facilities Public daycare for all infants. The end of the system of cramming and discriminatory
education, and the implementation of a consistently scientific and technical
education for all students. The elimination of all nationalistic education,
such as the forced use of the hinomaru (rising sun flag) and kimigayo (national anthem) at schools. The combining of education with productive
work. The abolition of private schools. The perfection of equipment for
education and research that all workers can use at any time. The struggle against and regulation of corrupt bourgeois culture and the
mass media. The liberation of the system of mass communications for the
benefit of the workers. Open use of mass media for workers. The encouragement
and creation of a proletarian socialist culture. Regulation of monopoly capital and the push for its nationalization. Public
disclosure of the assets and accounting records of large businesses, and
firm punishment for all of their economic crimes. Reduction or total abolition of expenditure for armaments to maintain the
class rule and for the benefit of the parasitic class. Realization of “ cheap ” government and the reduction of workers ’ tax burden. The end of protective policies for small-scale agricultural production
in agriculture, and so on. The appropriation of such “ subsidies ” for the development of productive power and large-scale production. The complete elimination of the damage stemming from anarchistic production
and pursuit of profit under bourgeois society--the most characteristic
example being pollution--and regulation and punishment of industries that
cause such damage. The nationalization of land. The rational redistribution of factories.
The end of the conflict between cities and rural areas. The solution of
the housing problem under these new conditions. Exposure and punishment of governmental crime by high government officials
and politicians Guarantee of the free political struggles of workers. The abolition of
all regulations against participation in elections. The right of suffrage
for all men and women over eighteen years of age, and the apportionment
of seats according to the size of constituency. The dissolution of institutions of monopoly capital rule such as the armed
forces, police, courts, and bureaucratic system. The crushing of all counter-revolutionary
schemes and coup d ’ etat intrigues. Raising the workers sense of caution towards such maneuvers,
and the firm self-defense of the organization and movement of the workers.
Public disclosure of all agreements and pacts with foreign countries. The
abolition of all military alliances, and the promotion of foreign relations
based on the class standpoint and internationalism of the workers. The creation of a class government based on a representative system of
the workers.
Adopted on May 5, 1984 (Partially revised at the Third Congress in November
1986, the Sixth Congress in October 1989, the Tenth Congress in November
1993, and the Eighteenth Congress in November 2001)
.
